{"id":97,"date":"2023-03-13T15:16:18","date_gmt":"2023-03-13T15:16:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/chapter\/module-2-9\/"},"modified":"2023-04-27T19:43:27","modified_gmt":"2023-04-27T19:43:27","slug":"module-2-9","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/chapter\/module-2-9\/","title":{"raw":"2.9 Women\u2019s Movements","rendered":"2.9 Women\u2019s Movements"},"content":{"raw":"Debates over imperialism also included notions of humanitarianism as well as morality, and religion. These were areas traditionally in the purview of women and thus imperialism \u201coffered a range of opportunities for white, middle-class, Christian women. In addition to working as representatives of American business, women could serve as missionaries, teachers, and medical professionals, and as artists and writers they were inspired by and helped transmit ideas about imperialism.\u201d<\/span>1<\/sup><\/a> Racial theory of the time focused on the belief that social and technological progress had freed middle- and upper class white women from the burdens of labor and granted them a position of moral authority. \u201cWhite women thus potentially had important roles to play in US imperialism, both as symbols of the benefits of American civilization and as vehicles for the transmission of American values.\u201d<\/span>2<\/sup><\/a> Not all women supported imperialism. In fact, women made up a large portion of the membership of anti-imperialist organizations; however, this assumed public role allowed women to take control of a number of social progressive movements.<\/span>\r\n
\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Suffragists Suffragists campaigned tirelessly for the vote in the first two decades of the twentieth century, taking to the streets in public displays like this 1915 pre-election parade in New York City. During this one event, 20,000 women defied the gender norms that tried to relegate them to the private sphere and deny them the vote. 1915.\u201d Wikimedia<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nReform opened new possibilities for women\u2019s activism in American public life and gave new impetus to the long campaign for women\u2019s suffrage. Much energy for women\u2019s work came from female \u201cclubs,\u201d social organizations devoted to various purposes. Some focused on intellectual development; others emphasized philanthropic activities. Increasingly, these organizations looked outward, to their communities and to the place of women in the larger political sphere.\r\n\r\nWomen\u2019s clubs flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In the 1890s women formed national women\u2019s club federations. Particularly significant in campaigns for suffrage and women\u2019s rights were the General Federation of Women\u2019s Clubs (formed in New York City in 1890) and the National Association of Colored Women (organized in Washington, D.C., in 1896), both of which were dominated by upper-middle-class, educated, northern women. Few of these organizations were biracial, a legacy of the sometimes uneasy mid-nineteenth-century relationship between socially active African Americans and white women. Rising American prejudice led many white female activists to ban inclusion of their African American sisters. The segregation of black women into distinct clubs nonetheless still produced vibrant organizations that could promise racial uplift and civil rights for all blacks as well as equal rights for women.\r\n\r\nOther women worked through churches and moral reform organizations to clean up American life. And still others worked as moral vigilantes. The fearsome Carrie A. Nation, an imposing woman who believed she worked God\u2019s will, won headlines for destroying saloons. In Wichita, Kansas, on December 27, 1900, Nation took a hatchet and broke bottles and bars at the luxurious Carey Hotel. Arrested and charged with causing $3,000 in damages, Nation spent a month in jail before the county dismissed the charges on account of \u201ca delusion to such an extent as to be practically irresponsible.\u201d But Nation\u2019s \u201chatchetation\u201d drew national attention. Describing herself as \u201ca bulldog running along at the feet of Jesus, barking at what He doesn\u2019t like,\u201d she continued her assaults, and days later she smashed two more Wichita bars.3<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nFew women followed in Nation\u2019s footsteps, and many more worked within more reputable organizations. Nation, for instance, had founded a chapter of the Woman\u2019s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), but the organization\u2019s leaders described her as \u201cunwomanly and unchristian.\u201d The WCTU was founded in 1874 as a modest temperance organization devoted to combating the evils of drunkenness. But then, from 1879 to 1898, Frances Willard invigorated the organization by transforming it into a national political organization, embracing a \u201cdo everything\u201d policy that adopted any and all reasonable reforms that would improve social welfare and advance women\u2019s rights. Temperance, and then the full prohibition of alcohol, however, always loomed large.\r\n\r\nMany American reformers associated alcohol with nearly every social ill. Alcohol was blamed for domestic abuse, poverty, crime, and disease. The 1912 Anti-Saloon League Yearbook, for instance, presented charts indicating comparable increases in alcohol consumption alongside rising divorce rates. The WCTU called alcohol a \u201chome wrecker.\u201d More insidiously, perhaps, reformers also associated alcohol with cities and immigrants, necessarily maligning America\u2019s immigrants, Catholics, and working classes in their crusade against liquor. Still, reformers believed that the abolition of \u201cstrong drink\u201d would bring about social progress, obviate the need for prisons and insane asylums, save women and children from domestic abuse, and usher in a more just, progressive society.\r\n\r\nPowerful female activists emerged out of the club movement and temperance campaigns. Perhaps no American reformer matched Jane Addams in fame, energy, and innovation. Born in Cedarville, Illinois, in 1860, Addams lost her mother by age two and lived under the attentive care of her father. At seventeen, she left home to attend Rockford Female Seminary. An idealist, Addams sought the means to make the world a better place. She believed that well-educated women of means, such as herself, lacked practical strategies for engaging everyday reform. After four years at Rockford, Addams embarked on a multiyear \u201cgrand tour\u201d of Europe. She found herself drawn to English settlement houses, a kind of prototype for social work in which philanthropists embedded themselves among communities and offered services to disadvantaged populations. After visiting London\u2019s Toynbee Hall in 1887, Addams returned to the United States and in 1889 founded Hull House in Chicago with her longtime confidant and companion Ellen Gates Starr.4<\/sup><\/a>\r\n
The Settlement \u2026 is an experimental effort to aid in the solution of the social and industrial problems which are engendered by the modern conditions of life in a great city. It insists that these problems are not confined to any one portion of the city. It is an attempt to relieve, at the same time, the overaccumulation at one end of society and the destitution at the other \u2026 It must be grounded in a philosophy whose foundation is on the solidarity of the human race, a philosophy which will not waver when the race happens to be represented by a drunken woman or an idiot boy.5<\/sup><\/a><\/i><\/blockquote>\r\nHull House workers provided for their neighbors by running a nursery and a kindergarten, administering classes for parents and clubs for children, and organizing social and cultural events for the community. Reformer Florence Kelley, who stayed at Hull House from 1891 to 1899, convinced Addams to move into the realm of social reform.6<\/sup><\/a> Hull House began exposing conditions in local sweatshops and advocating for the organization of workers. She called the conditions caused by urban poverty and industrialization a \u201csocial crime.\u201d Hull House workers surveyed their community and produced statistics on poverty, disease, and living conditions. Addams began pressuring politicians. Together Kelley and Addams petitioned legislators to pass anti-sweatshop legislation that limited the hours of work for women and children to eight per day. Yet Addams was an upper-class white Protestant woman who, like many reformers, refused to embrace more radical policies. While Addams called labor organizing a \u201csocial obligation,\u201d she also warned the labor movement against the \u201cconstant temptation towards class warfare.\u201d Addams, like many reformers, favored cooperation between rich and poor and bosses and workers, whether cooperation was a realistic possibility or not.7<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nAddams became a kind of celebrity. In 1912, she became the first woman to give a nominating speech at a major party convention when she seconded the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt as the Progressive Party\u2019s candidate for president. Her campaigns for social reform and women\u2019s rights won headlines and her voice became ubiquitous in progressive politics.8<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nAddams\u2019s advocacy grew beyond domestic concerns. Beginning with her work in the Anti-Imperialist League during the Spanish-American War, Addams increasingly began to see militarism as a drain on resources better spent on social reform. In 1907 she wrote Newer Ideals of Peace, a book that would become for many a philosophical foundation of pacifism. Addams emerged as a prominent opponent of America\u2019s entry into World War I. She received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931.9<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nIt would be suffrage, ultimately, that would mark the full emergence of women in American public life. Generations of women\u2014and, occasionally, men\u2014had pushed for women\u2019s suffrage. Suffragists\u2019 hard work resulted in slow but encouraging steps forward during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Notable victories were won in the West, where suffragists mobilized large numbers of women and male politicians were open to experimental forms of governance. By 1911, six western states had passed suffrage amendments to their constitutions.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Women Women protested silently in front of the White House for over two years before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Here, women represent their colleges as they picket the White House in support of women\u2019s suffrage. 1917.\u202fLibrary of Congress<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nWomen\u2019s suffrage was typically entwined with a wide range of reform efforts. Many suffragists argued that women\u2019s votes were necessary to clean up politics and combat social evils. By the 1890s, for example, the WCTU, then the largest women\u2019s organization in America, endorsed suffrage. An alliance of working-class and middle- and upper-class women organized the Women\u2019s Trade Union League (WTUL) in 1903 and campaigned for the vote alongside the National American Suffrage Association, a leading suffrage organization composed largely of middle- and upper-class women. WTUL members viewed the vote as a way to further their economic interests and to foster a new sense of respect for working-class women. \u201cWhat the woman who labors wants is the right to live, not simply exist,\u201d said Ruth Schneiderman, a WTUL leader, during a 1912 speech. \u201cThe worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too.\u201d10<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nMany suffragists adopted a much crueler message. Some, even outside the South, argued that white women\u2019s votes were necessary to maintain white supremacy. Many white American women argued that enfranchising white upper- and middle-class women would counteract black voters. These arguments even stretched into international politics. But whether the message advocated gender equality, class politics, or white supremacy, the suffrage campaign was winning.\r\n\r\n[embed]https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=_1IiRssfp4U[\/embed]\r\n\r\nIf you have difficulty viewing the video above, use this link\u00a0https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=_1IiRssfp4U<\/a>.\r\n\r\nThe final push for women\u2019s suffrage came on the eve of World War I. Determined to win the vote; the National American Suffrage Association developed a dual strategy that focused on the passage of state voting rights laws and on the ratification of an amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Meanwhile, a new, more militant, suffrage organization emerged on the scene. Led by Alice Paul, the National Woman\u2019s Party took to the streets to demand voting rights, organizing marches and protests that mobilized thousands of women. The largest and most-widely documented of these protests took place on March 3rd of 1913 at the inauguration of Woodrow Wilson. 8,000 woman marched through hostile crowds.\u00a0Beginning in January 1917, National Woman\u2019s Party members operating under the moniker, \"Silent Sentinels,\" also began to picket the White House, an action that led to the arrest and imprisonment of over 150 women.11<\/sup><\/a> Paul herself was sentenced to seven months in jail for \u201cobstructing traffic.\u201d She gained fame during her incarceration where she organized a hunger strike. Officials attempted to force feed her and even threatened sending her away to an insane asylum. Her agency, however, covered by the press garnered public support for the cause of women\u2019s suffrage.12<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nIn January 1918, President Woodrow Wilson declared his support for the women\u2019s suffrage amendment, and two years later women\u2019s suffrage became a reality. After the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, women from all walks of life mobilized to vote. They were driven by the promise of change but also in some cases by their anxieties about the future. Much had changed since their campaign began; the United States was now more industrial than not, increasingly more urban than rural. The activism and activities of these new urban denizens also gave rise to a new American culture.\r\n

Notes<\/h4>\r\n
    \r\n \t
  1. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright, eds., \u201cChapter 19,\u201d The American Yawp: A Massively Collaborative Open US History Textbook<\/em> (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018), V. Women and Imperialism, at http:\/\/www.americanyawp.com\/text\/19-american-empire\/. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  2. Ibid., \u201cChapter 19,\u201d V. Women and Imperialism. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  3. John Kobler, Ardent Spirits: The Rise and Fall of Prohibition<\/em> (Boston: Da Capo Press, 1993), 147. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  4. Toynbee Hall was the first settlement house. It was built in 1884 by Samuel Barnett as a place for Oxford students to live while at the same time working in the house\u2019s poor neighborhood. Daniel Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age<\/em> (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998), 64\u201365; Victoria Bissell Brown, The Education of Jane Addams<\/em> (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  5. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House<\/em> (New York: Macmillan, 1911), 125\u2013126. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  6. Allen Davis, American Heroine: The Life and Legend of Jane Addams<\/em> (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 77. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  7. Jane Addams, \u201cThe Settlement as a Factor in the Labor Movement,\u201d reprinted in Hull-House Maps and Papers: A Presentation of Nationalities and Wages in a Congested District of Chicago Together with Comments and Essays on Problems Growing out of the Social Conditions<\/em> (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2007), 145, 149. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  8. Kathryn Kish Sklar, \u201c\u2018Some of Us Who Deal with the Social Fabric\u2019: Jane Addams Blends Peace and Social Justice, 1907\u20131919,\u201d Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era<\/em> 2, no. 1 (January 2003). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  9. Karen Manners Smith, \u201cNew Paths to Power: 1890\u20131920,\u201d in No Small Courage: A History of Women in the United States<\/em>, ed. Nancy Cott (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 392. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  10. Sarah Eisenstein, Give Us Bread but Give Us Roses: Working Women\u2019s Consciousness in the United States, 1890 to the First World War<\/em> (New York: Routledge, 1983), 32. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  11. Ellen Carol Dubois, Women\u2019s Suffrage and Women\u2019s Rights <\/em>(New York: New York University Press, 1998).\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  12. \u201cAlice Paul Talks\u201d, Philadelphia Tribune<\/em>, January 10th, 1910.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"

    Debates over imperialism also included notions of humanitarianism as well as morality, and religion. These were areas traditionally in the purview of women and thus imperialism \u201coffered a range of opportunities for white, middle-class, Christian women. In addition to working as representatives of American business, women could serve as missionaries, teachers, and medical professionals, and as artists and writers they were inspired by and helped transmit ideas about imperialism.\u201d<\/span>1<\/sup><\/a> Racial theory of the time focused on the belief that social and technological progress had freed middle- and upper class white women from the burdens of labor and granted them a position of moral authority. \u201cWhite women thus potentially had important roles to play in US imperialism, both as symbols of the benefits of American civilization and as vehicles for the transmission of American values.\u201d<\/span>2<\/sup><\/a> Not all women supported imperialism. In fact, women made up a large portion of the membership of anti-imperialist organizations; however, this assumed public role allowed women to take control of a number of social progressive movements.<\/span><\/p>\n

    \n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Suffragists
    Suffragists campaigned tirelessly for the vote in the first two decades of the twentieth century, taking to the streets in public displays like this 1915 pre-election parade in New York City. During this one event, 20,000 women defied the gender norms that tried to relegate them to the private sphere and deny them the vote. 1915.\u201d Wikimedia<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    Reform opened new possibilities for women\u2019s activism in American public life and gave new impetus to the long campaign for women\u2019s suffrage. Much energy for women\u2019s work came from female \u201cclubs,\u201d social organizations devoted to various purposes. Some focused on intellectual development; others emphasized philanthropic activities. Increasingly, these organizations looked outward, to their communities and to the place of women in the larger political sphere.<\/p>\n

    Women\u2019s clubs flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In the 1890s women formed national women\u2019s club federations. Particularly significant in campaigns for suffrage and women\u2019s rights were the General Federation of Women\u2019s Clubs (formed in New York City in 1890) and the National Association of Colored Women (organized in Washington, D.C., in 1896), both of which were dominated by upper-middle-class, educated, northern women. Few of these organizations were biracial, a legacy of the sometimes uneasy mid-nineteenth-century relationship between socially active African Americans and white women. Rising American prejudice led many white female activists to ban inclusion of their African American sisters. The segregation of black women into distinct clubs nonetheless still produced vibrant organizations that could promise racial uplift and civil rights for all blacks as well as equal rights for women.<\/p>\n

    Other women worked through churches and moral reform organizations to clean up American life. And still others worked as moral vigilantes. The fearsome Carrie A. Nation, an imposing woman who believed she worked God\u2019s will, won headlines for destroying saloons. In Wichita, Kansas, on December 27, 1900, Nation took a hatchet and broke bottles and bars at the luxurious Carey Hotel. Arrested and charged with causing $3,000 in damages, Nation spent a month in jail before the county dismissed the charges on account of \u201ca delusion to such an extent as to be practically irresponsible.\u201d But Nation\u2019s \u201chatchetation\u201d drew national attention. Describing herself as \u201ca bulldog running along at the feet of Jesus, barking at what He doesn\u2019t like,\u201d she continued her assaults, and days later she smashed two more Wichita bars.3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Few women followed in Nation\u2019s footsteps, and many more worked within more reputable organizations. Nation, for instance, had founded a chapter of the Woman\u2019s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), but the organization\u2019s leaders described her as \u201cunwomanly and unchristian.\u201d The WCTU was founded in 1874 as a modest temperance organization devoted to combating the evils of drunkenness. But then, from 1879 to 1898, Frances Willard invigorated the organization by transforming it into a national political organization, embracing a \u201cdo everything\u201d policy that adopted any and all reasonable reforms that would improve social welfare and advance women\u2019s rights. Temperance, and then the full prohibition of alcohol, however, always loomed large.<\/p>\n

    Many American reformers associated alcohol with nearly every social ill. Alcohol was blamed for domestic abuse, poverty, crime, and disease. The 1912 Anti-Saloon League Yearbook, for instance, presented charts indicating comparable increases in alcohol consumption alongside rising divorce rates. The WCTU called alcohol a \u201chome wrecker.\u201d More insidiously, perhaps, reformers also associated alcohol with cities and immigrants, necessarily maligning America\u2019s immigrants, Catholics, and working classes in their crusade against liquor. Still, reformers believed that the abolition of \u201cstrong drink\u201d would bring about social progress, obviate the need for prisons and insane asylums, save women and children from domestic abuse, and usher in a more just, progressive society.<\/p>\n

    Powerful female activists emerged out of the club movement and temperance campaigns. Perhaps no American reformer matched Jane Addams in fame, energy, and innovation. Born in Cedarville, Illinois, in 1860, Addams lost her mother by age two and lived under the attentive care of her father. At seventeen, she left home to attend Rockford Female Seminary. An idealist, Addams sought the means to make the world a better place. She believed that well-educated women of means, such as herself, lacked practical strategies for engaging everyday reform. After four years at Rockford, Addams embarked on a multiyear \u201cgrand tour\u201d of Europe. She found herself drawn to English settlement houses, a kind of prototype for social work in which philanthropists embedded themselves among communities and offered services to disadvantaged populations. After visiting London\u2019s Toynbee Hall in 1887, Addams returned to the United States and in 1889 founded Hull House in Chicago with her longtime confidant and companion Ellen Gates Starr.4<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    The Settlement \u2026 is an experimental effort to aid in the solution of the social and industrial problems which are engendered by the modern conditions of life in a great city. It insists that these problems are not confined to any one portion of the city. It is an attempt to relieve, at the same time, the overaccumulation at one end of society and the destitution at the other \u2026 It must be grounded in a philosophy whose foundation is on the solidarity of the human race, a philosophy which will not waver when the race happens to be represented by a drunken woman or an idiot boy.5<\/sup><\/a><\/i><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

    Hull House workers provided for their neighbors by running a nursery and a kindergarten, administering classes for parents and clubs for children, and organizing social and cultural events for the community. Reformer Florence Kelley, who stayed at Hull House from 1891 to 1899, convinced Addams to move into the realm of social reform.6<\/sup><\/a> Hull House began exposing conditions in local sweatshops and advocating for the organization of workers. She called the conditions caused by urban poverty and industrialization a \u201csocial crime.\u201d Hull House workers surveyed their community and produced statistics on poverty, disease, and living conditions. Addams began pressuring politicians. Together Kelley and Addams petitioned legislators to pass anti-sweatshop legislation that limited the hours of work for women and children to eight per day. Yet Addams was an upper-class white Protestant woman who, like many reformers, refused to embrace more radical policies. While Addams called labor organizing a \u201csocial obligation,\u201d she also warned the labor movement against the \u201cconstant temptation towards class warfare.\u201d Addams, like many reformers, favored cooperation between rich and poor and bosses and workers, whether cooperation was a realistic possibility or not.7<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Addams became a kind of celebrity. In 1912, she became the first woman to give a nominating speech at a major party convention when she seconded the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt as the Progressive Party\u2019s candidate for president. Her campaigns for social reform and women\u2019s rights won headlines and her voice became ubiquitous in progressive politics.8<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Addams\u2019s advocacy grew beyond domestic concerns. Beginning with her work in the Anti-Imperialist League during the Spanish-American War, Addams increasingly began to see militarism as a drain on resources better spent on social reform. In 1907 she wrote Newer Ideals of Peace, a book that would become for many a philosophical foundation of pacifism. Addams emerged as a prominent opponent of America\u2019s entry into World War I. She received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931.9<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    It would be suffrage, ultimately, that would mark the full emergence of women in American public life. Generations of women\u2014and, occasionally, men\u2014had pushed for women\u2019s suffrage. Suffragists\u2019 hard work resulted in slow but encouraging steps forward during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Notable victories were won in the West, where suffragists mobilized large numbers of women and male politicians were open to experimental forms of governance. By 1911, six western states had passed suffrage amendments to their constitutions.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Women
    Women protested silently in front of the White House for over two years before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Here, women represent their colleges as they picket the White House in support of women\u2019s suffrage. 1917.\u202fLibrary of Congress<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    Women\u2019s suffrage was typically entwined with a wide range of reform efforts. Many suffragists argued that women\u2019s votes were necessary to clean up politics and combat social evils. By the 1890s, for example, the WCTU, then the largest women\u2019s organization in America, endorsed suffrage. An alliance of working-class and middle- and upper-class women organized the Women\u2019s Trade Union League (WTUL) in 1903 and campaigned for the vote alongside the National American Suffrage Association, a leading suffrage organization composed largely of middle- and upper-class women. WTUL members viewed the vote as a way to further their economic interests and to foster a new sense of respect for working-class women. \u201cWhat the woman who labors wants is the right to live, not simply exist,\u201d said Ruth Schneiderman, a WTUL leader, during a 1912 speech. \u201cThe worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too.\u201d10<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Many suffragists adopted a much crueler message. Some, even outside the South, argued that white women\u2019s votes were necessary to maintain white supremacy. Many white American women argued that enfranchising white upper- and middle-class women would counteract black voters. These arguments even stretched into international politics. But whether the message advocated gender equality, class politics, or white supremacy, the suffrage campaign was winning.<\/p>\n