{"id":253,"date":"2023-03-13T17:26:40","date_gmt":"2023-03-13T17:26:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/chapter\/module-5-10\/"},"modified":"2023-04-28T18:31:12","modified_gmt":"2023-04-28T18:31:12","slug":"module-5-10","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/chapter\/module-5-10\/","title":{"raw":"5.10 The Civil Rights Movement","rendered":"5.10 The Civil Rights Movement"},"content":{"raw":"
\r\n\r\nSo much of the energy and character of the sixties emerged from the Civil Rights Movement, which won its greatest victories in the early years of the decade. The movement itself was changing. Many of the civil rights activists pushing for school desegregation in the 1950s were middle-class and middle-aged. In the 1960s, a new student movement arose whose members wanted swifter changes in the segregated South. Confrontational protests, marches, boycotts, and sit-ins accelerated.1<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nThe tone of the modern U.S. Civil Rights Movement changed at a North Carolina department store in 1960, when four African American students participated in a sit-in at a whites-only lunch counter. The 1960 Greensboro sit-ins were typical. Activists sat at segregated lunch counters in an act of defiance, refusing to leave until being served and willing to be ridiculed, attacked, and arrested if they were not. This tactic drew resistance but forced the desegregation of Woolworth\u2019s department stores. It prompted copycat demonstrations across the South. The protests offered evidence that student-led direct action could enact social change and established the Civil Rights Movement\u2019s direction in the forthcoming years.2<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nThe following year, civil rights advocates attempted a bolder variation of a sit-in when they participated in the Freedom Rides. Activists organized interstate bus rides following a Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation on public buses and trains. The rides intended to test the court\u2019s ruling, which many southern states had ignored. An interracial group of Freedom Riders boarded buses in Washington, D.C., with the intention of sitting in integrated patterns on the buses as they traveled through the Deep South. On the initial rides in May 1961, the riders encountered fierce resistance in Alabama. Angry mobs composed of KKK members attacked riders in Birmingham, burning one of the buses and beating the activists who escaped. Additional Freedom Rides launched through the summer and generated national attention amid additional violent resistance. Ultimately, the Interstate Commerce Commission enforced integrated interstate buses and trains in November 1961.3<\/sup><\/a>\r\n

The SCLC, CORE, and SNCC<\/h2>\r\nDuring the 1950s the push for desegregation had centered on court actions launched by the NAACP and the Urban League, but Martin Luther King\u2019s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) hinted at newer, more direct challenges to the social order. Since organizing the Montgomery Bus Boycott, King had continued to advocate nonviolent protest.\r\n\r\nA second key organization to the movement, the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE), was even more willing than the SCLC to force confrontations with the segregationist system. One other group, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), grew out of the Greensboro sit-in.\r\n\r\nIn May 1961, CORE director James Farmer led a group of black and white freedom riders on a bus trip from Washington D.C. to New Orleans. They intended to focus national attention on the inequality of segregated facilities. Violent southern mobs gave the freedom riders the kind of attention they feared. In South Carolina, thugs beat divinity student John Lewis as he tried to enter an all-white waiting room. Mobs also attacked in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama. Police ignored the violence. At least one bus was burned.\r\n\r\nAs the Civil Rights Movement garnered more followers and more attention, white resistance stiffened. In October 1962, James Meredith became the first African American student to enroll at the University of Mississippi. Meredith\u2019s enrollment sparked riots on the Oxford campus, prompting President John F. Kennedy to send in U.S. Marshals and National Guardsmen to maintain order. On an evening known infamously as the Battle of Ole Miss, segregationists clashed with troops in the middle of campus, resulting in two deaths and hundreds of injuries. Violence served as a reminder of the strength of white resistance to the Civil Rights Movement, particularly in the realm of education.4<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"James James Meredith, accompanied by U.S. Marshals, walks to class at the University of Mississippi in 1962. Meredith was the first African American student admitted to the segregated university. Library of Congress<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n

The following year, 1963, was perhaps the decade\u2019s most eventful year for civil rights. In April and May, the SCLC organized the Birmingham Campaign, a broad campaign of direct action aiming to topple segregation in Alabama\u2019s largest city. Activists used business boycotts, sit-ins, and peaceful marches as part of the campaign. SCLC leader Martin Luther King Jr. was jailed, prompting his famous handwritten letter urging not only his nonviolent approach but active confrontation to directly challenge injustice. The campaign further added to King\u2019s national reputation and featured powerful photographs and video footage of white police officers using fire hoses and attack dogs on young African American protesters. It also yielded an agreement to desegregate public accommodations in the city: activists in Birmingham scored a victory for civil rights and drew international praise for the nonviolent approach in the face of police-sanctioned violence and bombings.5<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\r\nWhite resistance intensified. While much of the rhetoric surrounding the 1960s focused on a younger, more liberal generation\u2019s progressive ideas, conservatism maintained a strong presence on the American political scene. Few political figures in the decade embodied the working-class, conservative views held by millions of white Americans quite like George Wallace. Wallace\u2019s vocal stance on segregation was immortalized in his 1963 inaugural address as Alabama governor with the phrase: \u201cSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!\u201d Just as the Civil Rights Movement began to gain unprecedented strength, Wallace became the champion of the many white southerners opposed to the movement. Consequently, Wallace was one of the best examples of the very real opposition civil rights activists faced in the late twentieth century.6<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nAs governor, Wallace loudly supported segregation. His efforts were symbolic, but they earned him national recognition as a political figure willing to fight for what many southerners saw as their traditional way of life. In June 1963, just five months after becoming governor, in his \u201cStand in the Schoolhouse Door,\u201d Wallace famously stood in the door of Foster Auditorium to protest integration at the University of Alabama. President Kennedy addressed the nation that evening, criticizing Wallace and calling for a comprehensive civil rights bill. A day later, civil rights leader Medgar Evers was assassinated at his home in Jackson, Mississippi.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Photograph Alabama governor George Wallace stands defiantly at the door of the University of Alabama, blocking the attempted integration of the school. Wallace became the most notorious pro-segregation politician of the 1960s, proudly proclaiming, in his 1963 inaugural address, \u201cSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.\u201d Library of Congress<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThat summer, civil rights leaders organized the August 1963 March on Washington. The march called for, among other things, civil rights legislation, school integration, an end to discrimination by public and private employers, job training for the unemployed, and a raise in the minimum wage. On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, King delivered his famous \u201cI Have a Dream\u201d speech, an internationally renowned call for civil rights that raised the movement\u2019s profile to new heights and put unprecedented pressure on politicians to pass meaningful civil rights legislation.7<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Photograph This photograph shows Martin Luther King Jr. and other black civil rights leaders arm-in-arm with leaders of the Jewish community during the March on Washington on August 28, 1963. Wikimedia<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nKennedy offered support for a civil rights bill, but southern resistance was intense and Kennedy was unwilling to expend much political capital on it. And so the bill stalled in Congress. Then, on November 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas. The nation\u2019s youthful, popular president was gone. Vice President Lyndon Johnson lacked Kennedy\u2019s youth, his charisma, his popularity, and his aristocratic upbringing, but no one knew Washington better and no one before or since fought harder and more successfully to pass meaningful civil rights legislation. Raised in poverty in the Texas Hill Country, Johnson scratched and clawed his way up the political ladder. He was both ruthlessly ambitious and keenly conscious of poverty and injustice. He idolized Franklin Roosevelt whose New Deal had brought improvements for the impoverished central Texans Johnson grew up with.\r\n\r\nPresident Lyndon Johnson, then, an old white southerner with a thick Texas drawl, embraced the Civil Rights Movement. He took Kennedy\u2019s stalled civil rights bill, ensured that it would have teeth, and navigated it through Congress. The following summer he signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, widely considered to be among the most important pieces of civil rights legislation in American history. The comprehensive act barred segregation in public accommodations and outlawed discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender, and national or religious origin.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Lyndon Lyndon B. Johnson sits with Civil Rights Leaders in the White House. One of Johnson\u2019s greatest legacies would be his staunch support of civil rights legislation. Wikimedia<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Yoichi Johnson gives Senator Richard Russell the famous \u201cJohnson Treatment.\u201d Yoichi R. Okamoto, Photograph of Lyndon B. Johnson pressuring Senator Richard Russell, December 17, 1963. Wikimedia<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThe Civil Rights Movement created space for political leaders to pass legislation, and the movement continued pushing forward. Direct action continued through the summer of 1964, as student-run organizations like SNCC and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) helped with the Freedom Summer in Mississippi, a drive to register African American voters in a state with an ugly history of discrimination. Freedom Summer campaigners set up schools for African American children. Even with progress, intimidation and violent resistance against civil rights continued, particularly in regions with longstanding traditions of segregation.8<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nIn March 1965, activists attempted to march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, on behalf of local African American voting rights. In a narrative that had become familiar, \u201cBloody Sunday\u201d featured peaceful protesters attacked by white law enforcement with batons and tear gas. After they were turned away violently a second time, marchers finally made the fifty-mile trek to the state capitol later in the month. Coverage of the first march prompted President Johnson to present the bill that became the Voting Rights Act of 1965, an act that abolished voting discrimination in federal, state, and local elections. In two consecutive years, landmark pieces of legislation had assaulted de jure (by law) segregation and disenfranchisement.9<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"Photograph Five leaders of the Civil Rights Movement in 1965. From left: Bayard Rustin, Andrew Young, N.Y. Congressman William Ryan, James Farmer, and John Lewis. Library of Congress<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n

Notes<\/h4>\r\n
    \r\n \t
  1. For the major events of the civil rights movement, see Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954\u201363<\/em> (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988); Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963\u201365<\/em> (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998); and Taylor Branch, At Canaan\u2019s Edge: America in the King Years, 1965\u201368 <\/em>(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2007). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  2. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  3. Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice<\/em> (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  4. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  5. Ibid. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  6. Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics<\/em> (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2000). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  7. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  8. Branch, Pillar of Fire<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  9. Branch, At Canaan\u2019s Edge<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"
    \n

    So much of the energy and character of the sixties emerged from the Civil Rights Movement, which won its greatest victories in the early years of the decade. The movement itself was changing. Many of the civil rights activists pushing for school desegregation in the 1950s were middle-class and middle-aged. In the 1960s, a new student movement arose whose members wanted swifter changes in the segregated South. Confrontational protests, marches, boycotts, and sit-ins accelerated.1<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    The tone of the modern U.S. Civil Rights Movement changed at a North Carolina department store in 1960, when four African American students participated in a sit-in at a whites-only lunch counter. The 1960 Greensboro sit-ins were typical. Activists sat at segregated lunch counters in an act of defiance, refusing to leave until being served and willing to be ridiculed, attacked, and arrested if they were not. This tactic drew resistance but forced the desegregation of Woolworth\u2019s department stores. It prompted copycat demonstrations across the South. The protests offered evidence that student-led direct action could enact social change and established the Civil Rights Movement\u2019s direction in the forthcoming years.2<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    The following year, civil rights advocates attempted a bolder variation of a sit-in when they participated in the Freedom Rides. Activists organized interstate bus rides following a Supreme Court decision outlawing segregation on public buses and trains. The rides intended to test the court\u2019s ruling, which many southern states had ignored. An interracial group of Freedom Riders boarded buses in Washington, D.C., with the intention of sitting in integrated patterns on the buses as they traveled through the Deep South. On the initial rides in May 1961, the riders encountered fierce resistance in Alabama. Angry mobs composed of KKK members attacked riders in Birmingham, burning one of the buses and beating the activists who escaped. Additional Freedom Rides launched through the summer and generated national attention amid additional violent resistance. Ultimately, the Interstate Commerce Commission enforced integrated interstate buses and trains in November 1961.3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    The SCLC, CORE, and SNCC<\/h2>\n

    During the 1950s the push for desegregation had centered on court actions launched by the NAACP and the Urban League, but Martin Luther King\u2019s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) hinted at newer, more direct challenges to the social order. Since organizing the Montgomery Bus Boycott, King had continued to advocate nonviolent protest.<\/p>\n

    A second key organization to the movement, the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE), was even more willing than the SCLC to force confrontations with the segregationist system. One other group, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), grew out of the Greensboro sit-in.<\/p>\n

    In May 1961, CORE director James Farmer led a group of black and white freedom riders on a bus trip from Washington D.C. to New Orleans. They intended to focus national attention on the inequality of segregated facilities. Violent southern mobs gave the freedom riders the kind of attention they feared. In South Carolina, thugs beat divinity student John Lewis as he tried to enter an all-white waiting room. Mobs also attacked in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama. Police ignored the violence. At least one bus was burned.<\/p>\n

    As the Civil Rights Movement garnered more followers and more attention, white resistance stiffened. In October 1962, James Meredith became the first African American student to enroll at the University of Mississippi. Meredith\u2019s enrollment sparked riots on the Oxford campus, prompting President John F. Kennedy to send in U.S. Marshals and National Guardsmen to maintain order. On an evening known infamously as the Battle of Ole Miss, segregationists clashed with troops in the middle of campus, resulting in two deaths and hundreds of injuries. Violence served as a reminder of the strength of white resistance to the Civil Rights Movement, particularly in the realm of education.4<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"James
    James Meredith, accompanied by U.S. Marshals, walks to class at the University of Mississippi in 1962. Meredith was the first African American student admitted to the segregated university. Library of Congress<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    The following year, 1963, was perhaps the decade\u2019s most eventful year for civil rights. In April and May, the SCLC organized the Birmingham Campaign, a broad campaign of direct action aiming to topple segregation in Alabama\u2019s largest city. Activists used business boycotts, sit-ins, and peaceful marches as part of the campaign. SCLC leader Martin Luther King Jr. was jailed, prompting his famous handwritten letter urging not only his nonviolent approach but active confrontation to directly challenge injustice. The campaign further added to King\u2019s national reputation and featured powerful photographs and video footage of white police officers using fire hoses and attack dogs on young African American protesters. It also yielded an agreement to desegregate public accommodations in the city: activists in Birmingham scored a victory for civil rights and drew international praise for the nonviolent approach in the face of police-sanctioned violence and bombings.5<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    White resistance intensified. While much of the rhetoric surrounding the 1960s focused on a younger, more liberal generation\u2019s progressive ideas, conservatism maintained a strong presence on the American political scene. Few political figures in the decade embodied the working-class, conservative views held by millions of white Americans quite like George Wallace. Wallace\u2019s vocal stance on segregation was immortalized in his 1963 inaugural address as Alabama governor with the phrase: \u201cSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!\u201d Just as the Civil Rights Movement began to gain unprecedented strength, Wallace became the champion of the many white southerners opposed to the movement. Consequently, Wallace was one of the best examples of the very real opposition civil rights activists faced in the late twentieth century.6<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    As governor, Wallace loudly supported segregation. His efforts were symbolic, but they earned him national recognition as a political figure willing to fight for what many southerners saw as their traditional way of life. In June 1963, just five months after becoming governor, in his \u201cStand in the Schoolhouse Door,\u201d Wallace famously stood in the door of Foster Auditorium to protest integration at the University of Alabama. President Kennedy addressed the nation that evening, criticizing Wallace and calling for a comprehensive civil rights bill. A day later, civil rights leader Medgar Evers was assassinated at his home in Jackson, Mississippi.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Photograph
    Alabama governor George Wallace stands defiantly at the door of the University of Alabama, blocking the attempted integration of the school. Wallace became the most notorious pro-segregation politician of the 1960s, proudly proclaiming, in his 1963 inaugural address, \u201cSegregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.\u201d Library of Congress<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

     <\/p>\n

    That summer, civil rights leaders organized the August 1963 March on Washington. The march called for, among other things, civil rights legislation, school integration, an end to discrimination by public and private employers, job training for the unemployed, and a raise in the minimum wage. On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, King delivered his famous \u201cI Have a Dream\u201d speech, an internationally renowned call for civil rights that raised the movement\u2019s profile to new heights and put unprecedented pressure on politicians to pass meaningful civil rights legislation.7<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Photograph
    This photograph shows Martin Luther King Jr. and other black civil rights leaders arm-in-arm with leaders of the Jewish community during the March on Washington on August 28, 1963. Wikimedia<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

     <\/p>\n

    Kennedy offered support for a civil rights bill, but southern resistance was intense and Kennedy was unwilling to expend much political capital on it. And so the bill stalled in Congress. Then, on November 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas. The nation\u2019s youthful, popular president was gone. Vice President Lyndon Johnson lacked Kennedy\u2019s youth, his charisma, his popularity, and his aristocratic upbringing, but no one knew Washington better and no one before or since fought harder and more successfully to pass meaningful civil rights legislation. Raised in poverty in the Texas Hill Country, Johnson scratched and clawed his way up the political ladder. He was both ruthlessly ambitious and keenly conscious of poverty and injustice. He idolized Franklin Roosevelt whose New Deal had brought improvements for the impoverished central Texans Johnson grew up with.<\/p>\n

    President Lyndon Johnson, then, an old white southerner with a thick Texas drawl, embraced the Civil Rights Movement. He took Kennedy\u2019s stalled civil rights bill, ensured that it would have teeth, and navigated it through Congress. The following summer he signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, widely considered to be among the most important pieces of civil rights legislation in American history. The comprehensive act barred segregation in public accommodations and outlawed discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender, and national or religious origin.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Lyndon
    Lyndon B. Johnson sits with Civil Rights Leaders in the White House. One of Johnson\u2019s greatest legacies would be his staunch support of civil rights legislation. Wikimedia<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Yoichi
    Johnson gives Senator Richard Russell the famous \u201cJohnson Treatment.\u201d Yoichi R. Okamoto, Photograph of Lyndon B. Johnson pressuring Senator Richard Russell, December 17, 1963. Wikimedia<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

     <\/p>\n

    The Civil Rights Movement created space for political leaders to pass legislation, and the movement continued pushing forward. Direct action continued through the summer of 1964, as student-run organizations like SNCC and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) helped with the Freedom Summer in Mississippi, a drive to register African American voters in a state with an ugly history of discrimination. Freedom Summer campaigners set up schools for African American children. Even with progress, intimidation and violent resistance against civil rights continued, particularly in regions with longstanding traditions of segregation.8<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    In March 1965, activists attempted to march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, on behalf of local African American voting rights. In a narrative that had become familiar, \u201cBloody Sunday\u201d featured peaceful protesters attacked by white law enforcement with batons and tear gas. After they were turned away violently a second time, marchers finally made the fifty-mile trek to the state capitol later in the month. Coverage of the first march prompted President Johnson to present the bill that became the Voting Rights Act of 1965, an act that abolished voting discrimination in federal, state, and local elections. In two consecutive years, landmark pieces of legislation had assaulted de jure (by law) segregation and disenfranchisement.9<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \"Photograph
    Five leaders of the Civil Rights Movement in 1965. From left: Bayard Rustin, Andrew Young, N.Y. Congressman William Ryan, James Farmer, and John Lewis. Library of Congress<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

    Notes<\/h4>\n
      \n
    1. For the major events of the civil rights movement, see Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954\u201363<\/em> (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988); Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963\u201365<\/em> (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998); and Taylor Branch, At Canaan\u2019s Edge: America in the King Years, 1965\u201368 <\/em>(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2007). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    2. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    3. Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice<\/em> (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    4. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    5. Ibid. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    6. Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics<\/em> (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2000). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    7. Branch, Parting the Waters<\/em>.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    8. Branch, Pillar of Fire<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    9. Branch, At Canaan\u2019s Edge<\/em>. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":101,"menu_order":10,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-253","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":34,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/253","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/101"}],"version-history":[{"count":6,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/253\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":722,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/253\/revisions\/722"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/34"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/253\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=253"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=253"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=253"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1220ushistsincecivilwar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=253"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}