{"id":108,"date":"2023-03-06T23:47:27","date_gmt":"2023-03-06T23:47:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/chapter\/module-4-4\/"},"modified":"2023-04-26T18:03:58","modified_gmt":"2023-04-26T18:03:58","slug":"module-4-4","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/chapter\/module-4-4\/","title":{"raw":"4.4 Religious Revival","rendered":"4.4 Religious Revival"},"content":{"raw":"[caption id=\"\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"700\"]\"\u201cCamp \u201cCamp Meeting of the Methodists in N. America,\u201d 1819. \u202fLibrary of Congress<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n
\r\n\r\nEconomic growth slowed during a recession in 1819 and another in 1837. These upsets created social tensions and contributed to the spread of religious revivals in the 1820s and 1830s in an effort to try to explain and control the rapid changes occurring in the world around them. The Second Great Awakening was response to social problems that were identified such as heavy drinking that peaked in the post-Revolution years of 1790- 1820, as well as increasing crime, vice, and violence that seemed to accompany industrialization and urbanization. The Second Great Awakening particularly centered in western New York, an area called the \u201cBurned-Over District\u201d because of the waves of revivals that spread over and over again like wildfire. There the growth around the Erie Canal alarmed moralistic Yankees when it led to boomtowns with saloons, prostitution, and general Sabbath-breaking behavior. In this period too new movements arose including Joseph Smith\u2019s Mormons, and Ann Lee\u2019s Shakers.\r\n\r\nThe early nineteenth century was a period of immense change in the United States. Economic, political, demographic, and territorial transformations radically altered how Americans thought about themselves, their communities, and the rapidly expanding nation. It was a period of great optimism, with the possibilities of self-governance infusing everything from religion to politics. Yet it was also a period of great conflict, as the benefits of industrialization and democratization increasingly accrued along starkly uneven lines of gender, race, and class. Westward expansion distanced urban dwellers from frontier settlers more than ever before, even as the technological innovations of industrialization\u2014like the telegraph and railroads\u2014offered exciting new ways to maintain communication. The spread of democracy opened the franchise to nearly all white men, but urbanization and a dramatic influx of European migration increased social tensions and class divides.\r\n\r\nAmericans looked on these changes with a mixture of enthusiasm and suspicion, wondering how the moral fabric of the new nation would hold up to emerging social challenges. Increasingly, many turned to two powerful tools to help understand and manage the various transformations: spiritual revivalism and social reform. Reacting to the rationalism of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening reignited Protestant spirituality during the early nineteenth century. The revivals incorporated worshippers into an expansive religious community that crisscrossed all regions of the United States and armed them with a potent evangelical mission. Many emerged from these religious revivals with a conviction that human society could be changed to look more heavenly. They joined their spiritual networks to rapidly developing social reform networks that sought to alleviate social ills and eradicate moral vice. Tackling numerous issues, including alcoholism, slavery, and the inequality of women, reformers worked tirelessly to remake the world around them. While not all these initiatives were successful, the zeal of reform and the spiritual rejuvenation that inspired it were key facets of antebellum life and society.\r\n

Revival and Religious Change<\/h2>\r\nIn the early nineteenth century, a succession of religious revivals collectively known as the Second Great Awakening remade the nation\u2019s religious landscape. Revivalist preachers traveled on horseback, sharing the message of spiritual and moral renewal to as many as possible. Residents of urban centers, rural farmlands, and frontier territories alike flocked to religious revivals and camp meetings, where intense physical and emotional enthusiasm accompanied evangelical conversion.\r\n\r\nThe Second Great Awakening emerged in response to powerful intellectual and social currents. Camp meetings captured the democratizing spirit of the American Revolution, but revivals also provided a unifying moral order and new sense of spiritual community for Americans struggling with the great changes of the day. The market revolution, western expansion, and European immigration all challenged traditional bonds of authority, and evangelicalism promised equal measures of excitement and order. Revivals spread like wildfire throughout the United States, swelling church membership, spawning new Christian denominations, and inspiring social reform.\r\n\r\nOne of the earliest and largest revivals of the Second Great Awakening occurred in Cane Ridge, Kentucky, over a one-week period in August 1801. The Cane Ridge Revival drew thousands of people, and possibly as many as one of every ten residents of Kentucky.1<\/sup><\/a> Though large crowds had previously gathered annually in rural areas each late summer or fall to receive communion, this assembly was very different.2<\/sup><\/a> Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian preachers all delivered passionate sermons, exhorting the crowds to strive for their own salvation. They preached from inside buildings, evangelized outdoors under the open sky, and even used tree stumps as makeshift pulpits, all to reach their enthusiastic audiences in any way possible. Women, too, exhorted, in a striking break with common practice. Attendees, moved by the preachers\u2019 fervor, responded by crying, jumping, speaking in tongues, or even fainting.3<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nEvents like the Cane Ridge Revival did spark significant changes in Americans\u2019 religious affiliations. Many revivalists abandoned the comparatively formal style of worship observed in the well-established Congregationalist and Episcopalian churches and instead embraced more impassioned forms of worship that included the spontaneous jumping, shouting, and gesturing found in new and alternative denominations. The ranks of Christian denominations such as the Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians swelled precipitously alongside new denominations such as the Seventh-Day Adventist Church. The evangelical fire reached such heights, in fact, that one swath of western and central New York state came to be known as the Burned-Over District. Charles Grandison Finney, the influential revivalist preacher who first coined the term, explained that the residents of this area had experienced so many revivals by different religious groups that there were no more souls to awaken to the fire of spiritual conversion.4<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nRemoving the government support of churches created what historians call the American spiritual marketplace. Methodism achieved the most remarkable success, enjoying the most significant denominational increase in American history. By 1850, Methodism was by far the most popular American denomination. The Methodist denomination grew from fewer than one thousand members at the end of the eighteenth century to constitute 34 percent of all American church membership by the mid-nineteenth century.5<\/sup><\/a> After its leaders broke with the Church of England to form a new American denomination in 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) achieved its growth through innovation. Methodists used itinerant preachers, known as circuit riders. These men (and the occasional woman) won converts by pushing west with the expanding United States over the Alleghenies and into the Ohio River Valley, bringing religion to new settlers hungry to have their spiritual needs attended. Circuit riding took preachers into homes, meetinghouses, and churches, all mapped out at regular intervals that collectively took about two weeks to complete.\r\n\r\nRevolutionary ideals also informed a substantial theological critique of orthodox Calvinism that had far-reaching consequences for religious individuals and for society as a whole. Calvinists believed that all of humankind was marred by sin, and God predestined only some for salvation. These attitudes began to seem too pessimistic for many American Christians. Worshippers increasingly began to take responsibility for their own spiritual fates by embracing theologies that emphasized human action in effecting salvation, and revivalist preachers were quick to recognize the importance of these cultural shifts. Radical revivalist preachers, such as Charles Grandison Finney, put theological issues aside and evangelized by appealing to worshippers\u2019 hearts and emotions. Even more conservative spiritual leaders, such as Lyman Beecher of the Congregational Church, appealed to younger generations of Americans by adopting a less orthodox approach to Calvinist doctrine.6<\/sup><\/a> Though these men did not see eye to eye, they both contributed to the emerging consensus that all souls are equal in salvation and that all people can be saved by surrendering to God. This idea of spiritual egalitarianism was one of the most important transformations to emerge out of the Second Great Awakening.\r\n\r\nSpiritual egalitarianism dovetailed neatly with an increasingly democratic United States. In the process of winning independence from Britain, the revolution weakened the power of long-standing social hierarchies and the codes of conduct that went along with them. The democratizing ethos opened the door for a more egalitarian approach to spiritual leadership. Whereas preachers of long-standing denominations like the Congregationalists were required to have a divinity degree and at least some theological training in order to become spiritual leaders, many alternative denominations only required a conversion experience and a supernatural \u201ccall to preach.\u201d This meant, for example, that a twenty-year-old man could go from working in a mill to being a full-time circuit-riding preacher for the Methodists practically overnight. Indeed, their emphasis on spiritual egalitarianism over formal training enabled Methodists to outpace spiritual competition during this period. Methodists attracted more new preachers to send into the field, and the lack of formal training meant that individual preachers could be paid significantly less than a Congregationalist preacher with a divinity degree.\r\n\r\nIn addition to the divisions between evangelical and non-evangelical denominations wrought by the Second Great Awakening, the revivals and subsequent evangelical growth also revealed strains within the Methodist and Baptist churches. Each witnessed several schisms during the 1820s and 1830s as reformers advocated for a return to the practices and policies of an earlier generation. Many others left mainstream Protestantism altogether, opting instead to form their own churches. Some, like Alexander Campbell and Barton Stone, proposed a return to (or \u201crestoration\u201d of) New Testament Christianity, stripped of centuries of additional teachings and practices.7<\/sup><\/a> Other restorationists built on the foundation laid by the evangelical churches by using their methods and means to both critique the Protestant mainstream and move beyond the accepted boundaries of contemporary Christian orthodoxy. Self-declared prophets claimed that God had called them to establish new churches and introduce new (or, in their understanding, restore lost<\/em>) teachings, forms of worship, and even scripture.\r\n\r\nMormon founder Joseph Smith, for example, claimed that God the Father and Jesus Christ appeared to him in a vision in a grove of trees near his boyhood home in upstate New York and commanded him to \u201cjoin none of [the existing churches], for they are all wrong.\u201d8<\/sup><\/a> Subsequent visitations from angelic beings revealed to Smith the location of a buried record, purportedly containing the writings and histories of an ancient Christian civilization on the American continent. Smith published the Book of Mormon in early 1830 and organized the Church of Christ (later renamed the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) a short time later. Borrowing from the Methodists a faith in the abilities of itinerant preachers without formal training, Smith dispatched early converts as missionaries to take the message of the Book of Mormon throughout the United States, across the ocean to England and Ireland, and eventually even farther abroad. He attracted a sizable number of followers on both sides of the Atlantic and commanded them to gather to a center place, where they collectively anticipated the imminent second coming of Christ. Continued growth and near-constant opposition from both Protestant ministers and neighbors suspicious of their potential political power forced the Mormons to move several times, first from New York to Ohio, then to Missouri, and finally to Illinois, where they established a thriving community on the banks of the Mississippi River. In Nauvoo, as they called their city, Smith moved even further beyond the bounds of the Christian orthodoxy by continuing to pronounce additional revelations and introducing secret rites to be performed in Mormon temples. Most controversially, Smith and a select group of his most loyal followers began taking additional wives (Smith himself married at least thirty women). Although Mormon polygamy was not publicly acknowledged and openly practiced until 1852 (when the Mormons had moved yet again, this time to the protective confines of the intermountain west on the shores of the Great Salt Lake), rumors of Smith\u2019s involvement circulated almost immediately after its quiet introduction and played a part in the motivations of the mob that eventually murdered the Mormon prophet in the summer of 1844.\r\n\r\nMormons were not the only religious community in antebellum America to challenge the domestic norms of the era through radical sexual experiments: Shakers strictly enforced celibacy in their several communes scattered throughout New England and the upper Midwest, while John Humphrey Noyes introduced free love (or \u201ccomplex marriage\u201d) to his Oneida community in upstate New York. Others challenged existing cultural customs in less radical ways. For individual worshippers, spiritual egalitarianism in revivals and camp meetings could break down traditional social conventions. For example, revivals generally admitted both men and women. Furthermore, in an era when many American Protestants discouraged or outright forbade women from speaking in church meetings, some preachers provided women with new opportunities to openly express themselves and participate in spiritual communities. This was particularly true in the Methodist and Baptist traditions, though by the mid-nineteenth [sic] century most of these opportunities would be curtailed as these denominations attempted to move away from radical revivalism and toward the status of respectable denominations. Some preachers also promoted racial integration in religious gatherings, expressing equal concern for white and black people\u2019s spiritual salvation and encouraging both slaveholders and the enslaved to attend the same meetings. Historians have even suggested that the extreme physical and vocal manifestations of conversion seen at impassioned revivals and camp meetings offered the ranks of worshippers a way to enact a sort of social leveling by flouting the codes of self-restraint prescribed by upper-class elites. Although the revivals did not always live up to such progressive ideals in practice, particularly in the more conservative regions of the slaveholding South, the concept of spiritual egalitarianism nonetheless changed how Protestant Americans thought about themselves, their God, and one another.\r\n\r\nAs the borders of the United States expanded during the nineteenth century and as new demographic changes altered urban landscapes, revivalism also offered worshippers a source of social and religious structure to help cope with change. Revival meetings held by itinerant preachers offered community and collective spiritual purpose to migrant families and communities isolated from established social and religious institutions. In urban centers, where industrialization and European famines brought growing numbers of domestic and foreign migrants, evangelical preachers provided moral order and spiritual solace to an increasingly anonymous population. Additionally, and quite significantly, the Second Great Awakening armed evangelical Christians with a moral purpose to address and eradicate the many social problems they saw as arising from these dramatic demographic shifts.\r\n\r\nNot all American Christians, though, were taken with the revivals. The early nineteenth century also saw the rise of Unitarianism as a group of ministers and their followers came to reject key aspects of \u201corthodox\u201d Protestant belief including the divinity of Christ. Christians in New England were particularly involved in the debates surrounding Unitarianism as Harvard University became a hotly contested center of cultural authority between Unitarians and Trinitarians. Unitarianism had important effects on the world of reform when a group of Unitarian ministers founded the Transcendental Club in 1836.9<\/sup><\/a> The club met for four years and included Ralph Waldo Emerson, Bronson Alcott, Frederic Henry Hedge, George Ripley, Orestes Brownson, James Freeman Clarke, and Theodore Parker. While initially limited to ministers or former ministers\u2014except for the eccentric Alcott\u2014the club quickly expanded to include numerous literary intellectuals. Among these were the author Henry David Thoreau, the protofeminist and literary critic Margaret Fuller, and the educational reformer Elizabeth Peabody.\r\n\r\nTranscendentalism had no established creed, but this was intentional. What united the Transcendentalists was their belief in a higher spiritual principle within each person that could be trusted to discover truth, guide moral action, and inspire art. They often referred to this principle as Soul, Spirit, Mind, or Reason. Deeply influenced by British Romanticism and German idealism\u2019s celebration of individual artistic inspiration, personal spiritual experience, and aspects of human existence not easily explained by reason or logic, the Transcendentalists established an enduring legacy precisely because they developed distinctly American ideas that emphasized individualism, optimism, oneness with nature, and a modern orientation toward the future rather than the past. These themes resonated in an American nineteenth century where political democracy and readily available land distinguished the United States from Europe.\r\n\r\nRalph Waldo Emerson espoused a religious worldview wherein God, \u201cthe eternal ONE,\u201d manifested through the special harmony between the individual soul and nature. In \u201cThe American Scholar\u201d (1837) and \u201cSelf-Reliance\u201d (1841), Emerson emphasized the utter reliability and sufficiency of the individual soul and exhorted his audience to overcome \u201cour long apprenticeship to the learning of other lands.\u201d10<\/sup><\/a> Emerson believed that the time had come for Americans to declare their intellectual independence from Europe. Henry David Thoreau espoused a similar enthusiasm for simple living, communion with nature, and self-sufficiency. Thoreau\u2019s sense of rugged individualism, perhaps the strongest among even the Transcendentalists, also yielded \u201cResistance to Civil Government\u201d (1849).11<\/sup><\/a> Several of the Transcendentalists also participated in communal living experiments. For example, in the mid-1840s, George Ripley and other members of the utopian Brook Farm community began to espouse Fourierism, a vision of society based on cooperative principles, as an alternative to capitalist conditions.12<\/sup><\/a>\r\n\r\nMany of these different types of response to the religious turmoil of the time had a similar endpoint in the embrace of voluntary associations and social reform work. During the antebellum period, many American Christians responded to the moral anxiety of industrialization and urbanization by organizing to address specific social needs. Social problems such as intemperance, vice, and crime assumed a new and distressing scale that older solutions, such as almshouses, were not equipped to handle. Moralists grew concerned about the growing mass of urban residents who did not attend church, and who, thanks to poverty or illiteracy, did not even have access to scripture. Voluntary benevolent societies exploded in number to tackle these issues. Led by ministers and dominated by middle-class women, voluntary societies printed and distributed Protestant tracts, taught Sunday school, distributed outdoor relief, and evangelized in both frontier towns and urban slums. These associations and their evangelical members also lent moral backing and workers to large-scale social reform projects, including the temperance movement designed to curb Americans\u2019 consumption of alcohol, the abolitionist campaign to eradicate slavery in the United States, and women\u2019s rights agitation to improve women\u2019s political and economic rights. As such wide-ranging reform projects combined with missionary zeal, evangelical Christians formed a \u201cbenevolent empire\u201d that swiftly became a cornerstone of the antebellum period.\r\n

Notes<\/h4>\r\n
    \r\n \t
  1. Sam Haselby, The Origins of American Religious Nationalism <\/em>(New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 170. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  2. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Holy Fairs: Scotland and the Making of American Revivalism (<\/em>Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  3. John B. Boles, The Great Revival: The Origins of the Southern Evangelical Mind<\/em> (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  4. Charles G. Finney, Memoirs of Charles G. Finney <\/em>(New York: Revell, 1876), 78. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  5. John H. Wigger, Taking Heaven by Storm: Methodism and the Rise of Popular Christianity in America<\/em> (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 3, 197\u2013200, 201n1. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  6. Gary J. Dorrien, The Making of American Liberal Theology: Imagining Progressive Religion, 1805\u20131900, Volume 1<\/em> (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 119. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  7. David Edwin Harrell, A Social History of the Disciples Christ: Quest for a Christian America, 1800\u20131865<\/em> (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1966). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  8. Joseph Smith, \u201cHistory, 1838\u20131856, volume A-1 [23 December 1805\u201330 August 1834,\u201d Joseph Smith Papers, http:\/\/josephsmithpapers.org\/paperSummary\/history-1838-1856-volume-a-1-23-december-1805-30-august-1834, accessed July 8, 2015. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  9. Philip F. Gura, American Transcendentalism: A History<\/em> (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008), 5.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  10. Ralph Waldo Emerson, \u201cThe American Scholar,\u201d http:\/\/digitalemerson.wsulibs.wsu.edu\/exhibits\/show\/text\/the-american-scholar, accessed May 6, 2018; Ralph Waldo Emerson, \u201cSelf Reliance,\u201d in Essays, First Series,<\/em> http:\/\/digitalemerson.wsulibs.wsu.edu\/exhibits\/show\/text\/first-series\/self-reliance, accessed May 6, 2018.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  11. Henry David Thoreau, Walden, and On the Duty of Civil Disobedience<\/em>, http:\/\/www.gutenberg.org\/files\/205\/205-h\/205-h.htm, accessed May 6, 2018. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n \t
  12. Sterling F. Delano, Brook Farm: The Dark Side of Utopia<\/em> (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"
    \"\u201cCamp
    \u201cCamp Meeting of the Methodists in N. America,\u201d 1819. \u202fLibrary of Congress<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
    \n

    Economic growth slowed during a recession in 1819 and another in 1837. These upsets created social tensions and contributed to the spread of religious revivals in the 1820s and 1830s in an effort to try to explain and control the rapid changes occurring in the world around them. The Second Great Awakening was response to social problems that were identified such as heavy drinking that peaked in the post-Revolution years of 1790- 1820, as well as increasing crime, vice, and violence that seemed to accompany industrialization and urbanization. The Second Great Awakening particularly centered in western New York, an area called the \u201cBurned-Over District\u201d because of the waves of revivals that spread over and over again like wildfire. There the growth around the Erie Canal alarmed moralistic Yankees when it led to boomtowns with saloons, prostitution, and general Sabbath-breaking behavior. In this period too new movements arose including Joseph Smith\u2019s Mormons, and Ann Lee\u2019s Shakers.<\/p>\n

    The early nineteenth century was a period of immense change in the United States. Economic, political, demographic, and territorial transformations radically altered how Americans thought about themselves, their communities, and the rapidly expanding nation. It was a period of great optimism, with the possibilities of self-governance infusing everything from religion to politics. Yet it was also a period of great conflict, as the benefits of industrialization and democratization increasingly accrued along starkly uneven lines of gender, race, and class. Westward expansion distanced urban dwellers from frontier settlers more than ever before, even as the technological innovations of industrialization\u2014like the telegraph and railroads\u2014offered exciting new ways to maintain communication. The spread of democracy opened the franchise to nearly all white men, but urbanization and a dramatic influx of European migration increased social tensions and class divides.<\/p>\n

    Americans looked on these changes with a mixture of enthusiasm and suspicion, wondering how the moral fabric of the new nation would hold up to emerging social challenges. Increasingly, many turned to two powerful tools to help understand and manage the various transformations: spiritual revivalism and social reform. Reacting to the rationalism of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening reignited Protestant spirituality during the early nineteenth century. The revivals incorporated worshippers into an expansive religious community that crisscrossed all regions of the United States and armed them with a potent evangelical mission. Many emerged from these religious revivals with a conviction that human society could be changed to look more heavenly. They joined their spiritual networks to rapidly developing social reform networks that sought to alleviate social ills and eradicate moral vice. Tackling numerous issues, including alcoholism, slavery, and the inequality of women, reformers worked tirelessly to remake the world around them. While not all these initiatives were successful, the zeal of reform and the spiritual rejuvenation that inspired it were key facets of antebellum life and society.<\/p>\n

    Revival and Religious Change<\/h2>\n

    In the early nineteenth century, a succession of religious revivals collectively known as the Second Great Awakening remade the nation\u2019s religious landscape. Revivalist preachers traveled on horseback, sharing the message of spiritual and moral renewal to as many as possible. Residents of urban centers, rural farmlands, and frontier territories alike flocked to religious revivals and camp meetings, where intense physical and emotional enthusiasm accompanied evangelical conversion.<\/p>\n

    The Second Great Awakening emerged in response to powerful intellectual and social currents. Camp meetings captured the democratizing spirit of the American Revolution, but revivals also provided a unifying moral order and new sense of spiritual community for Americans struggling with the great changes of the day. The market revolution, western expansion, and European immigration all challenged traditional bonds of authority, and evangelicalism promised equal measures of excitement and order. Revivals spread like wildfire throughout the United States, swelling church membership, spawning new Christian denominations, and inspiring social reform.<\/p>\n

    One of the earliest and largest revivals of the Second Great Awakening occurred in Cane Ridge, Kentucky, over a one-week period in August 1801. The Cane Ridge Revival drew thousands of people, and possibly as many as one of every ten residents of Kentucky.1<\/sup><\/a> Though large crowds had previously gathered annually in rural areas each late summer or fall to receive communion, this assembly was very different.2<\/sup><\/a> Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian preachers all delivered passionate sermons, exhorting the crowds to strive for their own salvation. They preached from inside buildings, evangelized outdoors under the open sky, and even used tree stumps as makeshift pulpits, all to reach their enthusiastic audiences in any way possible. Women, too, exhorted, in a striking break with common practice. Attendees, moved by the preachers\u2019 fervor, responded by crying, jumping, speaking in tongues, or even fainting.3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Events like the Cane Ridge Revival did spark significant changes in Americans\u2019 religious affiliations. Many revivalists abandoned the comparatively formal style of worship observed in the well-established Congregationalist and Episcopalian churches and instead embraced more impassioned forms of worship that included the spontaneous jumping, shouting, and gesturing found in new and alternative denominations. The ranks of Christian denominations such as the Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians swelled precipitously alongside new denominations such as the Seventh-Day Adventist Church. The evangelical fire reached such heights, in fact, that one swath of western and central New York state came to be known as the Burned-Over District. Charles Grandison Finney, the influential revivalist preacher who first coined the term, explained that the residents of this area had experienced so many revivals by different religious groups that there were no more souls to awaken to the fire of spiritual conversion.4<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Removing the government support of churches created what historians call the American spiritual marketplace. Methodism achieved the most remarkable success, enjoying the most significant denominational increase in American history. By 1850, Methodism was by far the most popular American denomination. The Methodist denomination grew from fewer than one thousand members at the end of the eighteenth century to constitute 34 percent of all American church membership by the mid-nineteenth century.5<\/sup><\/a> After its leaders broke with the Church of England to form a new American denomination in 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) achieved its growth through innovation. Methodists used itinerant preachers, known as circuit riders. These men (and the occasional woman) won converts by pushing west with the expanding United States over the Alleghenies and into the Ohio River Valley, bringing religion to new settlers hungry to have their spiritual needs attended. Circuit riding took preachers into homes, meetinghouses, and churches, all mapped out at regular intervals that collectively took about two weeks to complete.<\/p>\n

    Revolutionary ideals also informed a substantial theological critique of orthodox Calvinism that had far-reaching consequences for religious individuals and for society as a whole. Calvinists believed that all of humankind was marred by sin, and God predestined only some for salvation. These attitudes began to seem too pessimistic for many American Christians. Worshippers increasingly began to take responsibility for their own spiritual fates by embracing theologies that emphasized human action in effecting salvation, and revivalist preachers were quick to recognize the importance of these cultural shifts. Radical revivalist preachers, such as Charles Grandison Finney, put theological issues aside and evangelized by appealing to worshippers\u2019 hearts and emotions. Even more conservative spiritual leaders, such as Lyman Beecher of the Congregational Church, appealed to younger generations of Americans by adopting a less orthodox approach to Calvinist doctrine.6<\/sup><\/a> Though these men did not see eye to eye, they both contributed to the emerging consensus that all souls are equal in salvation and that all people can be saved by surrendering to God. This idea of spiritual egalitarianism was one of the most important transformations to emerge out of the Second Great Awakening.<\/p>\n

    Spiritual egalitarianism dovetailed neatly with an increasingly democratic United States. In the process of winning independence from Britain, the revolution weakened the power of long-standing social hierarchies and the codes of conduct that went along with them. The democratizing ethos opened the door for a more egalitarian approach to spiritual leadership. Whereas preachers of long-standing denominations like the Congregationalists were required to have a divinity degree and at least some theological training in order to become spiritual leaders, many alternative denominations only required a conversion experience and a supernatural \u201ccall to preach.\u201d This meant, for example, that a twenty-year-old man could go from working in a mill to being a full-time circuit-riding preacher for the Methodists practically overnight. Indeed, their emphasis on spiritual egalitarianism over formal training enabled Methodists to outpace spiritual competition during this period. Methodists attracted more new preachers to send into the field, and the lack of formal training meant that individual preachers could be paid significantly less than a Congregationalist preacher with a divinity degree.<\/p>\n

    In addition to the divisions between evangelical and non-evangelical denominations wrought by the Second Great Awakening, the revivals and subsequent evangelical growth also revealed strains within the Methodist and Baptist churches. Each witnessed several schisms during the 1820s and 1830s as reformers advocated for a return to the practices and policies of an earlier generation. Many others left mainstream Protestantism altogether, opting instead to form their own churches. Some, like Alexander Campbell and Barton Stone, proposed a return to (or \u201crestoration\u201d of) New Testament Christianity, stripped of centuries of additional teachings and practices.7<\/sup><\/a> Other restorationists built on the foundation laid by the evangelical churches by using their methods and means to both critique the Protestant mainstream and move beyond the accepted boundaries of contemporary Christian orthodoxy. Self-declared prophets claimed that God had called them to establish new churches and introduce new (or, in their understanding, restore lost<\/em>) teachings, forms of worship, and even scripture.<\/p>\n

    Mormon founder Joseph Smith, for example, claimed that God the Father and Jesus Christ appeared to him in a vision in a grove of trees near his boyhood home in upstate New York and commanded him to \u201cjoin none of [the existing churches], for they are all wrong.\u201d8<\/sup><\/a> Subsequent visitations from angelic beings revealed to Smith the location of a buried record, purportedly containing the writings and histories of an ancient Christian civilization on the American continent. Smith published the Book of Mormon in early 1830 and organized the Church of Christ (later renamed the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) a short time later. Borrowing from the Methodists a faith in the abilities of itinerant preachers without formal training, Smith dispatched early converts as missionaries to take the message of the Book of Mormon throughout the United States, across the ocean to England and Ireland, and eventually even farther abroad. He attracted a sizable number of followers on both sides of the Atlantic and commanded them to gather to a center place, where they collectively anticipated the imminent second coming of Christ. Continued growth and near-constant opposition from both Protestant ministers and neighbors suspicious of their potential political power forced the Mormons to move several times, first from New York to Ohio, then to Missouri, and finally to Illinois, where they established a thriving community on the banks of the Mississippi River. In Nauvoo, as they called their city, Smith moved even further beyond the bounds of the Christian orthodoxy by continuing to pronounce additional revelations and introducing secret rites to be performed in Mormon temples. Most controversially, Smith and a select group of his most loyal followers began taking additional wives (Smith himself married at least thirty women). Although Mormon polygamy was not publicly acknowledged and openly practiced until 1852 (when the Mormons had moved yet again, this time to the protective confines of the intermountain west on the shores of the Great Salt Lake), rumors of Smith\u2019s involvement circulated almost immediately after its quiet introduction and played a part in the motivations of the mob that eventually murdered the Mormon prophet in the summer of 1844.<\/p>\n

    Mormons were not the only religious community in antebellum America to challenge the domestic norms of the era through radical sexual experiments: Shakers strictly enforced celibacy in their several communes scattered throughout New England and the upper Midwest, while John Humphrey Noyes introduced free love (or \u201ccomplex marriage\u201d) to his Oneida community in upstate New York. Others challenged existing cultural customs in less radical ways. For individual worshippers, spiritual egalitarianism in revivals and camp meetings could break down traditional social conventions. For example, revivals generally admitted both men and women. Furthermore, in an era when many American Protestants discouraged or outright forbade women from speaking in church meetings, some preachers provided women with new opportunities to openly express themselves and participate in spiritual communities. This was particularly true in the Methodist and Baptist traditions, though by the mid-nineteenth [sic] century most of these opportunities would be curtailed as these denominations attempted to move away from radical revivalism and toward the status of respectable denominations. Some preachers also promoted racial integration in religious gatherings, expressing equal concern for white and black people\u2019s spiritual salvation and encouraging both slaveholders and the enslaved to attend the same meetings. Historians have even suggested that the extreme physical and vocal manifestations of conversion seen at impassioned revivals and camp meetings offered the ranks of worshippers a way to enact a sort of social leveling by flouting the codes of self-restraint prescribed by upper-class elites. Although the revivals did not always live up to such progressive ideals in practice, particularly in the more conservative regions of the slaveholding South, the concept of spiritual egalitarianism nonetheless changed how Protestant Americans thought about themselves, their God, and one another.<\/p>\n

    As the borders of the United States expanded during the nineteenth century and as new demographic changes altered urban landscapes, revivalism also offered worshippers a source of social and religious structure to help cope with change. Revival meetings held by itinerant preachers offered community and collective spiritual purpose to migrant families and communities isolated from established social and religious institutions. In urban centers, where industrialization and European famines brought growing numbers of domestic and foreign migrants, evangelical preachers provided moral order and spiritual solace to an increasingly anonymous population. Additionally, and quite significantly, the Second Great Awakening armed evangelical Christians with a moral purpose to address and eradicate the many social problems they saw as arising from these dramatic demographic shifts.<\/p>\n

    Not all American Christians, though, were taken with the revivals. The early nineteenth century also saw the rise of Unitarianism as a group of ministers and their followers came to reject key aspects of \u201corthodox\u201d Protestant belief including the divinity of Christ. Christians in New England were particularly involved in the debates surrounding Unitarianism as Harvard University became a hotly contested center of cultural authority between Unitarians and Trinitarians. Unitarianism had important effects on the world of reform when a group of Unitarian ministers founded the Transcendental Club in 1836.9<\/sup><\/a> The club met for four years and included Ralph Waldo Emerson, Bronson Alcott, Frederic Henry Hedge, George Ripley, Orestes Brownson, James Freeman Clarke, and Theodore Parker. While initially limited to ministers or former ministers\u2014except for the eccentric Alcott\u2014the club quickly expanded to include numerous literary intellectuals. Among these were the author Henry David Thoreau, the protofeminist and literary critic Margaret Fuller, and the educational reformer Elizabeth Peabody.<\/p>\n

    Transcendentalism had no established creed, but this was intentional. What united the Transcendentalists was their belief in a higher spiritual principle within each person that could be trusted to discover truth, guide moral action, and inspire art. They often referred to this principle as Soul, Spirit, Mind, or Reason. Deeply influenced by British Romanticism and German idealism\u2019s celebration of individual artistic inspiration, personal spiritual experience, and aspects of human existence not easily explained by reason or logic, the Transcendentalists established an enduring legacy precisely because they developed distinctly American ideas that emphasized individualism, optimism, oneness with nature, and a modern orientation toward the future rather than the past. These themes resonated in an American nineteenth century where political democracy and readily available land distinguished the United States from Europe.<\/p>\n

    Ralph Waldo Emerson espoused a religious worldview wherein God, \u201cthe eternal ONE,\u201d manifested through the special harmony between the individual soul and nature. In \u201cThe American Scholar\u201d (1837) and \u201cSelf-Reliance\u201d (1841), Emerson emphasized the utter reliability and sufficiency of the individual soul and exhorted his audience to overcome \u201cour long apprenticeship to the learning of other lands.\u201d10<\/sup><\/a> Emerson believed that the time had come for Americans to declare their intellectual independence from Europe. Henry David Thoreau espoused a similar enthusiasm for simple living, communion with nature, and self-sufficiency. Thoreau\u2019s sense of rugged individualism, perhaps the strongest among even the Transcendentalists, also yielded \u201cResistance to Civil Government\u201d (1849).11<\/sup><\/a> Several of the Transcendentalists also participated in communal living experiments. For example, in the mid-1840s, George Ripley and other members of the utopian Brook Farm community began to espouse Fourierism, a vision of society based on cooperative principles, as an alternative to capitalist conditions.12<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

    Many of these different types of response to the religious turmoil of the time had a similar endpoint in the embrace of voluntary associations and social reform work. During the antebellum period, many American Christians responded to the moral anxiety of industrialization and urbanization by organizing to address specific social needs. Social problems such as intemperance, vice, and crime assumed a new and distressing scale that older solutions, such as almshouses, were not equipped to handle. Moralists grew concerned about the growing mass of urban residents who did not attend church, and who, thanks to poverty or illiteracy, did not even have access to scripture. Voluntary benevolent societies exploded in number to tackle these issues. Led by ministers and dominated by middle-class women, voluntary societies printed and distributed Protestant tracts, taught Sunday school, distributed outdoor relief, and evangelized in both frontier towns and urban slums. These associations and their evangelical members also lent moral backing and workers to large-scale social reform projects, including the temperance movement designed to curb Americans\u2019 consumption of alcohol, the abolitionist campaign to eradicate slavery in the United States, and women\u2019s rights agitation to improve women\u2019s political and economic rights. As such wide-ranging reform projects combined with missionary zeal, evangelical Christians formed a \u201cbenevolent empire\u201d that swiftly became a cornerstone of the antebellum period.<\/p>\n

    Notes<\/h4>\n
      \n
    1. Sam Haselby, The Origins of American Religious Nationalism <\/em>(New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 170. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    2. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Holy Fairs: Scotland and the Making of American Revivalism (<\/em>Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    3. John B. Boles, The Great Revival: The Origins of the Southern Evangelical Mind<\/em> (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    4. Charles G. Finney, Memoirs of Charles G. Finney <\/em>(New York: Revell, 1876), 78. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    5. John H. Wigger, Taking Heaven by Storm: Methodism and the Rise of Popular Christianity in America<\/em> (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 3, 197\u2013200, 201n1. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    6. Gary J. Dorrien, The Making of American Liberal Theology: Imagining Progressive Religion, 1805\u20131900, Volume 1<\/em> (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 119. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    7. David Edwin Harrell, A Social History of the Disciples Christ: Quest for a Christian America, 1800\u20131865<\/em> (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1966). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    8. Joseph Smith, \u201cHistory, 1838\u20131856, volume A-1 [23 December 1805\u201330 August 1834,\u201d Joseph Smith Papers, http:\/\/josephsmithpapers.org\/paperSummary\/history-1838-1856-volume-a-1-23-december-1805-30-august-1834, accessed July 8, 2015. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    9. Philip F. Gura, American Transcendentalism: A History<\/em> (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008), 5.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    10. Ralph Waldo Emerson, \u201cThe American Scholar,\u201d http:\/\/digitalemerson.wsulibs.wsu.edu\/exhibits\/show\/text\/the-american-scholar, accessed May 6, 2018; Ralph Waldo Emerson, \u201cSelf Reliance,\u201d in Essays, First Series,<\/em> http:\/\/digitalemerson.wsulibs.wsu.edu\/exhibits\/show\/text\/first-series\/self-reliance, accessed May 6, 2018.\"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    11. Henry David Thoreau, Walden, and On the Duty of Civil Disobedience<\/em>, http:\/\/www.gutenberg.org\/files\/205\/205-h\/205-h.htm, accessed May 6, 2018. \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n
    12. Sterling F. Delano, Brook Farm: The Dark Side of Utopia<\/em> (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). \"image\"<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":101,"menu_order":34,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-108","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":250,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/108","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/101"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/108\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":466,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/108\/revisions\/466"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/250"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/108\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=108"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=108"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=108"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ccconline.org\/ppschis1210\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=108"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}